Problem
"Gravlee investigated the cultural construction of skin color in Puerto Rico using cultural domain analysis and cultural consensus analysis. Using a standardized set of facial drawings derived from Harris's (1970) work in Brazil, he found that respondents agreed on the allocation of phenotypic descriptors to standardized faces, and, like Harris in Brazil, he found that these attributions were a function of skin color and hair type. He then investigated the association of skin color and blood pressure using distinct measures of skin color that included (i) direct measurement of skin pigmentation by re?ectance spectrophotometry, (ii) self-rated skin color on a nine-point scale, and (iii) an estimate of ascribed color derived from linking survey respondents to the cultural model of skin color, as determined by cultural consensus analysis. In bivariate and multivariate analyses, skin re?ectance was not associated with blood pressure; however, both self-rated and ascribed color were associated with blood pressure through interactions with SES. Individuals in lower SES groups had similar blood pressures irrespective of their attributed skin color category, whereas individuals in higher SES groups had higher blood pressures if they were also assigned to the category "black," according to the cultural consensus model (Gravlee 2002)." (Dressler et al 2005:243)
How do biological and cultural constructions of race and racial health disparities come together here?
What you think are the main causes of racial and ethnic health disparities. Make sure to support your argument with evidence, use at least one outside, scholarly source (a peer-reviewed journal article), and cite it correctly within and at the end of the essay.