Problem
Identify the passage with the floating quote by highlighting it or changing the text color:
A. The couple still experienced racial microaggressions, but at least, Kelly fought and won her battle to end generational racism (3-6). Kelly concludes, "The history is great; the food is terrific, but many people think a little more melanin makes one race superior to another" (6).
B. This is problematic when all individuals living in America regardless of racial, ethnic and sexual orientation cultures should not be "in a struggle to end generational racism" (Kelly 4) but living "in a state of peace and prosperity-free of microaggressions" (McKay and McKay). In order to begin progressing with racial microaggressions and sexual orientation microaggressions in our society, we need to take a real stand for inequality against all of humanity.
C. Kelly's mother and mother's family are reared in Louisiana by her mother's racist dad. He continues to pass racism from one generation to the next. Kelly's mother and mother's dad then threatens to disown her for dating an African-American. "I didn't raise you like that. I didn't raise you like that" (4). Her family repeated this when they discovered who she was dating.
D. The authors refer to the existence of our Western society's social norm crises, such as the shift from rampant poverty, disease, and crime, to a more peaceful and comfortable world (McKay and McKay).
Write a brief passage in response to this text that includes one direct quote and one paraphrase. Introduce the author and his credentials. This passage is from the best-selling book Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of the American Community, by Robert Putnam. Robert Putnam is a political scientist and a professor of Public Policy at Harvard University. This information is found on page 12. Use the ICE method to ensure you are citing the quote and paraphrase correctly.
By almost every measure, Americans' direct engagement in politics and government has fallen steadily and sharply over the last generation, despite the fact that average levels of education--the best individual level predictor of political participation--have risen sharply throughout this period. Consider the well-known decline in turnout in national elections over the last three decades. From a relative high point in the early 1960s, voter turnout had by 2000 declined by nearly a quarter; tens of millions of Americans had forsaken their parents' habitual readiness to engage in the simplest act of citizenship. It is not just the voting booth that has been increasingly deserted by Americans. A series of identical questions posed by the Roper Organization to national samples 10 times each year over the last two decades reveals that since 1973 the number of Americans who report that "in the past year" they have "attended a public meeting on town or school affairs" has fallen by more than a third (from 22 percent in 1973 to 13 percent in 1998).
Not coincidentally, Americans have also disengaged psychologically from politics and government over this era. The proportion of Americans who reply that they "trust the government in Washington "only some of the time" or "almost never" has risen steadily from 30 percent in 1966 to 75 percent in 1998. These trends are well known, of course, and taken by themselves would seem amenable to a strictly political explanation.
Perhaps the long litany of political tragedies and scandals since the 1960s (assassinations, Vietnam, Watergate, Irangate, and so on) has triggered an understandable disgust for politics and government among Americans, and that in turn has motivated their withdrawal.